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Neapolitan
Signs
Fig. 100 is the fingers elongated and united in a point,
turned upwards. The hand is
raised
slightly toward the face of the gesturer and shaken a few
times in the direction of the person conversed with. This is
inquiry, not a mere interrogative, but to express
that the person addressed has not been clearly understood,
perhaps from the vagueness or diffusiveness of his
expressions. The idea appears to suggest the gathering of
his thoughts together into one distinct expression, or to be
pointed in what he wishes to say.
Crafty, deceitful, Fig. 101. The little fingers of
both

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hands are hooked together, the others open but slightly
curved, and, with the hands, moved several times to the
right and left. The gesture is intended to represent a crab
and the tortuous movements of the crustacean, which are
likened to those of a man who cannot be depended on in his
walk through life. He is not straight. |
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Figs.
102 and 103 are different positions of the hand in which the
approximating thumb and forefinger form a circle. This is
the direst insult that can be given. The
amiable
canon De Jorio only hints at its special significance, but
it may be evident to persons aware of a practice disgraceful
to Italy. It is very ancient. Fig. 104 is easily
recognized as a request or |
| command to be
silent, either on the
occasion
or on the subject. The mouth, supposed to be forcibly
closed, prevents speaking, and the natural gesture, as might
be supposed, is historically ancient, but the instance,
frequently adduced from the attitude of the god Harpokrates,
whose finger is on his lips, is an
error. The Egyptian hieroglyphists,
notably in the |
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designation of Horus, their
dawn-god, used the finger in or on
the lips for "child." It has been
conjectured in the last instance that the gesture
implied, not the mode of taking nourishment, but inability
to speak—in-fans. This conjecture, however, was only
made to explain the blunder of the Greeks, who saw in the
hand placed connected with the mouth in the hieroglyph of
Horus (the) son, "Hor-(p)-chrot," the gesture familiar to
themselves of a finger on the lips to express "silence," and
so, mistaking both the name and the characterization,
invented the God of Silence,
Harpokrates. A careful examination of all the linear
hieroglyphs given by Champollion (Dictionnaire Egyptien)
shows that |
| the finger or the hand to the mouth of an adult
(whose posture is always distinct from that of a child) is
always in connection with the positive ideas of voice,
mouth, speech, writing, eating, drinking, &c., and never
with the negative idea of silence. The special character for
child, Fig. 105, always has the above-mentioned part
of the sign with reference to nourishment from the breast. Fig. 106 is a forcible negation.
The outer ends of the fingers
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thrust forward. This is the rejection of an idea or
proposition, the same conception being executed in several
different modes by the North American Indians. Fig. 107 signifies hunger, and is made by extending
the thumb and index under the open mouth and turning them
horizontally and vertically several
times.
The idea is emptiness and
desire to be filled. It is |
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also expressed by
beating the ribs with the flat hands, to show that the sides
meet or are weak for the want of something between them.
Fig. 108 is made in mocking and
ridicule. The open and oscillating
hand touches the point of the nose
with that of the thumb. It has the
particular sense of stigmatizing the
person addressed or in question as a
dupe. A credulous person is
generally imagined with a
gaping mouth and staring eyes, and
as thrusting forward his face, with
pendant chin,
so that the nose is well advanced and therefore most
prominent in the |
| profile. A dupe is therefore called naso
lungo or long-nose, and with Italian writers "restare
con un palmo di naso"—to be left with a palm's length of
nose—means to have met with loss, injury, or disappointment. The thumb stroking the forehead from one side to the other,
Fig. 109, is a natural sign of fatigue, and of the physical
toil that produces fatigue. The |
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wiping off of
perspiration is obviously indicated. This gesture is often
used ironically. As a dupe was shown above, now the duper is
signified, by Fig. 110. The gesture is to place the fingers
between the cravat and the neck and rub the latter with the
back of the hand. The idea is that the deceit is put within
the cravat, taken in and down, similar to our phrase to
"swallow" a false and deceitful story, and a "cram" is also
an English slang word for an incredible lie. The conception
of
the slang term is nearly related to that of the Neapolitan
sign, viz., the artificial enlargement of the œsophagus |
| of
the person victimized or on whom imposition is attempted to
be practiced, which is necessary to take it down. Fig. 111 shows the ends of the index and thumb stroking the
two sides of the nose from base to point. This means
astute, attentive, ready. Sharpness of the nasal organ
is popularly
associated with subtlety and finesse. The old Romans by
homo emunctæ naris meant an acute man attentive to his
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interests. The sign
is often used in a bad sense, then
signifying too sharp to be trusted. This somewhat lengthy but yet only partial list of
Neapolitan gesture-signs must conclude with one common
throughout Italy, and also among us with a somewhat
different signification, yet perhaps also derived from
classic times. To express suspicion of a person the
forefinger of the right hand is placed upon the side of the
nose. It means tainted, not sound. It is used to give
an unfavorable report of a person inquired of and to warn
against such.
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The Chinese, though ready in gesticulation and divided by
dialects, do not appear to make general use of a systematic
sign language, but they adopt an expedient rendered possible
by the peculiarity of their written characters, with which a
large proportion of their adults are acquainted, and which
are common in form to the whole empire. The inhabitants of
different provinces when meeting, and being unable to
converse orally, do not try to do so, but write the
characters of the words upon the ground or trace them on the
palm of the hand or in the air. Those written characters
each represent words in the same manner as do the Arabic or
Roman numerals, which are the same to Italians, Germans,
French, and English, and therefore intelligible, but if
expressed in sound or written in full by the alphabet, would
not be mutually understood. This device of the Chinese was
with less apparent necessity resorted to in the writer's
personal knowledge between a Hungarian who could talk Latin,
and a then recent graduate from college who could also do so
to some extent, but their pronunciation was so different as
to occasion constant difficulty, so they both wrote the
words on paper, instead of attempting to speak them.
The efforts at intercommunication of all savage and
barbarian tribes, when brought into contact with other
bodies of men not speaking an oral language common to both,
and especially when uncivilized inhabitants of the same
territory are separated by many linguistic divisions, should
in theory resemble the devices of the North American
Indians. They are not shown by published works to prevail in
the Eastern hemisphere to the same extent and in the same
manner as in North America. It is, however, probable that
they exist in many localities, though not reported, and also
that some of them survive after partial or even high
civilization has been attained, and after changed
environment has rendered their systematic employment
unnecessary. Such signs may be, first, unconnected with
existing oral language, and used in place of it; second,
used to explain or accentuate the words of ordinary speech,
or third, they may consist of gestures, emotional or not,
which are only noticed in oratory or impassioned
conversation, being, possibly, survivals of a former gesture
language. From correspondence instituted it
may be expected that a considerable
collection of signs will be obtained from
West and South Africa, India, Arabia,
Turkey, the Fiji Islands, Sumatra,
Madagascar, Ceylon, and especially from
Australia, where the conditions are similar
in many respects to those prevailing in
North America prior to the Columbian
discovery. In the Aborigines of Victoria,
Melbourne, 1878, by R. Brough Smythe,
the author makes the following curious
remarks: "It is believed that they have
several signs, known only to themselves, or
to those among the whites who have had
intercourse with them for lengthened
periods, which convey information readily
and accurately. Indeed, because of their use
of signs, it is the firm belief of many
(some uneducated and some educated) that the
natives of Australia are acquainted with the
secrets of Freemasonry."
In the Report of the cruise of the United
States Revenue steamer Corwin in the Arctic
Ocean, Washington, 1881, it appears that
the Innuits of the northwestern extremity of
America use signs continually. Captain
Hooper, commanding that steamer, is reported
by Mr. Petroff to have found that the
natives of Nunivak Island, on the American
side, below Behring Strait, trade by signs
with those of the Asiatic coast, whose
language is different. Humboldt in his
journeyings among the Indians of the
Orinoco, where many small isolated tribes
spoke languages not understood by any other,
found the language of signs in full
operation. Spix and Martius give a similar
account of the Puris and Coroados of Brazil.
It is not necessary to enlarge under the
present heading upon the signs of
deaf-mutes, except to show the intimate
relation between sign language as practiced
by them and the gesture signs, which, even
if not "natural," are intelligible to the
most widely separated of mankind. A Sandwich
Islander, a Chinese, and the Africans from
the slaver Amistad have, in published
instances, visited our deaf-mute
institutions with the same result of free
and pleasurable intercourse; and an English
deaf-mute had no difficulty in conversing
with Laplanders. It appears, also, on the
authority of Sibscota, whose treatise was
published in 1670, that Cornelius Haga,
ambassador of the United Provinces to the
Sublime Porte, found the Sultan's mutes to
have established a language among themselves
in which they could discourse with a
speaking interpreter, a degree of ingenuity
interfering with the object of their
selection as slaves unable to repeat
conversation. A curious instance has also
been reported to the writer of operatives in
a large mill where the constant rattling of
the machinery rendered them practically deaf
during the hours of work and where an
original system of gestures was adopted.
In connection with the late international
convention, at Milan, of persons interested
in the instruction of deaf-mutes which, in
the enthusiasm of the members for the new
system of artificial articulate speech, made
war upon all gesture-signs, it is curious
that such prohibition of gesture should be
urged regarding mutes when it was prevalent
to so great an extent among the speaking
people of the country where the convention
was held, and when the advocates of it were
themselves so dependent on gestures to
assist their own oratory if not their
ordinary conversation. Artificial
articulation surely needs the aid of
significant gestures more, when in the
highest perfection to which it can attain,
than does oral speech in its own high
development. The use of artificial speech is
also necessarily confined to the oral
language acquired by the interlocutors and
throws away the advantage of universality
possessed by signs. |
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Indian Sign
Language
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Sign Language
Among North American Indians Compared with
that Among Other Peoples and Deaf-Mutes,
1881
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