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Opposition of Shamans to White Physicians
Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among them, the
Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in the abilities of their
own doctors and are becoming more disposed to accept treatment from white
physicians. The shamans are naturally jealous of this infringement upon their
authority and endeavor to prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the
convenient doctrine that the white man's medicine is inevitably fatal to an
Indian unless eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for
four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the training
school established by the Government a few years ago met with considerable
difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents insisted on removing
the children at the first appearance of illness in order that they might be
treated by the shamans, until convinced by experience that the children received
better attention at the school than could possibly be had in their own homes. In
one instance, where a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to
consumption, her husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of
intelligence, was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white
physician, who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a
few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of this
departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted that the trouble
was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy had caused to be imbedded in
the woman's side. He accordingly began a series of conjurations for the removal
of the stick, while the white physician and his medicine were disregarded, and
in due time the woman died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from
the contagion or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the
sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three deaths
under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one time a preacher,
still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The appointment of a competent
physician to look after the health of the Indians would go far to eradicate
these false ideas and prevent much sickness and suffering; but, as the
Government has made no such provision, the Indians, both on and off the
reservation, excepting the children in the home school, are entirely without
medical care.
Medicine
Dances
The Cherokees have a dance known as the
Medicine Dance, which is generally performed
in connection with other dances when a
number of people assemble for a night of
enjoyment. It possesses no features of
special interest and differs in no essential
respect from a dozen other of the lesser
dances. Besides this, however, there was
another, known as the Medicine Boiling
Dance, which, for importance and solemn
ceremonial, was second only to the great
Green Corn Dance. It has now been
discontinued on the reservation for about
twenty years. It took place in the fall,
probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and
continued four days. The principal ceremony
in connection with it was the drinking of a
strong decoction of various herbs, which
acted as a violent emetic and purgative. The
usual fasting and going to water accompanied
the dancing and medicine-drinking.
Description Of
Symptoms
It is exceedingly difficult to obtain
from the doctors any accurate statement of
the nature of a malady, owing to the fact
that their description of the symptoms is
always of the vaguest character, while in
general the name given to the disease by the
shaman expresses only his opinion as to the
occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have
definite names for rheumatism, toothache,
boils, and a few other ailments of like
positive character, but beyond this their
description of symptoms generally resolves
itself into a statement that the patient has
bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or
feels tired, while the disease is assigned
such names as "when they dream of snakes,"
"when they dream of fish," "when ghosts
trouble them," "when something is making
something else eat them," or "when the food
is changed," i.e., when a witch causes it to
sprout and grow in the body of the patient
or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or
sharpened stick.
The Pay Of The
Shaman
The consideration which the doctor
receives for his services is called
ugista´'ti, a word of doubtful etymology,
but probably derived from the verb tsi´giû,
"I take" or "I eat." In former times this
was generally a deer-skin or a pair of
moccasins, but is now a certain quantity of
cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The
shamans disclaim the idea that the
ugistâ´'ti is pay, in our sense of the word,
but assert that it is one of the agencies in
the removal and banishment of the disease
spirit. Their explanation is somewhat
obscure, but the cloth seems to be intended
either as an offering to the disease spirit,
as a ransom to procure the release of his
intended victim, or as a covering to protect
the hand of a shaman while engaged in
pulling the disease from the body of the
patient. The first theory, which includes
also the idea of vicarious atonement, is
common to many primitive peoples. Whichever
may be the true explanation, the evil
influence of the disease is believed to
enter into the cloth, which must therefore
be sold or given away by the doctor, as
otherwise it will cause his death when the
pile thus accumulating reaches the height of
his head. No evil results seem to follow its
transfer from the shaman to a third party.
The doctor can not bestow anything thus
received upon a member of his own family
unless that individual gives him something
in return. If the consideration thus
received, however, be anything eatable, the
doctor may partake along with the rest of
the family. As a general rule the doctor
makes no charge for his services, and the
consideration is regarded as a free-will
offering. This remark applies only to the
medical practice, as the shaman always
demands and receives a fixed remuneration
for performing love charms, hunting
ceremonials, and other conjurations of a
miscellaneous character. Moreover, whenever
the beads are used the patient must furnish
a certain quantity of new cloth upon which
to place them, and at the close of the
ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth,
beads and all, and takes them away with him.
The cloth thus received by the doctor for
working with the beads must not be used by
him, but must be sold. In one instance a
doctor kept a handkerchief which he received
for his services, but instead sold a better
one of his own. Additional cloth is thus
given each time the ceremony is repeated,
each time a second four days' course of
treatment is begun, and as often as the
doctor sees fit to change his method of
procedure. Thus, when he begins to treat a
sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he
expects to receive a certain ugista´'ti;
but, should he decide after a time that the
terrapin or the red bird is responsible for
the trouble, he adopts a different course of
treatment, for which another ugista´'ti is
necessary. Should the sickness not yield
readily to his efforts, it is because the
disease animal requires a greater
ugista´'ti, and the quantity of cloth must
be doubled, so that on the whole the
doctrine is a very convenient one for the
shaman. In many of the formulas explicit
directions are given as to the pay which the
shaman is to receive for performing the
ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti
formulas, after specifying the amount of
cloth to be paid, the writer of it makes the
additional proviso that it must be "pretty
good cloth, too," asserting as a clincher
that "this is what the old folks said a long
time ago."
The ugista´'ti can not be paid by either one
of a married couple to the other, and, as it
is considered a necessary accompaniment of
the application, it follows that a shaman
can not treat his own wife in sickness, and
vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife
of the sick person send for the doctor, but
the call must come from some one of the
blood relatives of the patient. In one
instance within the writer's knowledge a
woman complained that her husband was very
sick and needed a doctor's attention, but
his relatives were taking no steps in the
matter and it was not permissible for her to
do so.
Ceremonies for Gathering
Plants
and Preparing Medicine
There are a number of ceremonies and
regulations observed in connection with the
gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks,
which can not be given in detail within the
limits of this paper. In searching for his
medicinal plants the shaman goes provided
with a number of white and red beads, and
approaches the plant from a certain
direction, going round it from right to left
one or four times, reciting certain prayers
the while. He then pulls up the plant by the
roots and drops one of the beads into the
hole and covers it up with the loose earth.
In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng
the hunter addresses the mountain as the
"Great Man" and assures it that he comes
only to take a small piece of flesh (the
ginseng) from its side, so that it seems
probable that the bead is intended as a
compensation to the earth for the plant thus
torn from her bosom. In some cases the
doctor must pass by the first three plants
met until he comes to the fourth, which he
takes and may then return for the others.
The bark is always taken from the east side
of the tree, and when the root or branch is
used it must also be one which runs out
toward the east, the reason given being that
these have imbibed more medical potency from
the rays of the sun.
When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter
into the prescription have been thus
gathered the doctor ties them up into a
convenient package, which he takes to a
running stream and casts into the water with
appropriate prayers. Should the package
float, as it generally does, he accepts the
fact as an omen that his treatment will be
successful. On the other hand, should it
sink, he concludes that some part of the
preceding ceremony has been improperly
carried out and at once sets about procuring
a new package, going over the whole
performance from the beginning.
Herb-gathering by moonlight, so important a
feature in European folk medicine, seems to
be no part of Cherokee ceremonial. There are
fixed regulations in regard to the preparing
of the decoction, the care of the medicine
during the continuance of the treatment, and
the disposal of what remains after the
treatment is at an end. In the arrangement
of details the shaman frequently employs the
services of a lay assistant. In these
degenerate days a number of upstart
pretenders to the healing art have arisen in
the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the
ignorance of their fellows by posing as
doctors, although knowing next to nothing of
the prayers and ceremonies, without which
there can be no virtue in the application.
These impostors are sternly frowned down and
regarded with the utmost contempt by the
real professors, both men and women, who
have been initiated into the sacred
mysteries and proudly look upon themselves
as conservators of the ancient ritual of the
past.
Sacred Formulas
of the Cherokee
Sacred Formulas Of The Cherokees, By James Mooney, 1885-1886
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