The Moqui Pueblos of Arizona

Early Expeditions to the Moquis.-The first visit of white men to the Moqui Pueblos was made in August 1540 by Don Pedro de Tobar one of the officers of Vasquez de Coronado's expedition who visited the 7 villages of "Tusayan" or Moqui villages.

Cardenas one of Coronado's officers with a small force also went through the Moqui towns in the latter part of 1640 to the Colorado River in search of a race of giants who were reported as living there.

In 1583 Antonio Espejo with a small force marched from the Rio Grande valley to the east of the Moqui villages and reached them by way of Zuņi.

Permanent occupation of New Mexico was made by a large number of Spaniards in 1591 and from that time to 1630 missionary priests came to Tusayan escorted by Spanish troops. They brought sheep oxen horses and fruit trees as gifts to the Moquis. This mission epoch is held in great contempt by the Moquis for although they admit that the Spaniards taught them to plant peach orchards and brought them other benefits yet they Oahu to have suffered many severities at the hands of the priests.

In 1598 Don Juan de Oņate the conqueror of New Mexico after receiving its submission moved westward in October or November in search of the South Sea. He moved west via Zuņi conquering it and then on to the Mohoquis (Moquis) whose chiefs surrendered the pueblos November 9 and 15 1508. He remained there until about December 20, 1598. Ile was hospitably received and generously treated. The Moquis organized hunting parties for his entertainment and made feasts of the game secured. They also guided the Spaniards through the country on their exploring expeditions. Oņate's men found silver mines 30 leagues to the west of the Moqui pueblos and also large salt deposits.

In 1604 Oņate passed through the Moqui pueblos again on an expedition westward in search of the South Sea. Having started on October 7, 1604 from San Juan now New Mexico with 30 men accompanied by Padres Francisco Escobar (comisario) and San Buenaventura he passed through the Zuņi provinces which he says were "more thickly settled by hares and rabbits than by Indians" and "where the chief town of the 6 is now called Cibola or in the native tongue Havico or Ha Huico" and on to the "5 Moqui towns with their 450 houses and people clad in cotton" reaching the Pacific Ocean in January 1605.

Between 1598 and 1604 it is believed that the Moqui Pueblos nominally accepted Christianity. Of the period between 1600 and 1700 El. H. Bancroft volume XVII of his works page 349 writes:

At the beginning of the century [1600] the Moquis like the other Pueblos [probably] accepted Christianity were often visited by friars from the first and probably were under resident missionaries almost continuously for 80 years; yet of all this period 1600 to 1680] we know only that Fray Francisco Porras who worked long in this field converting some 800 souls at Aguatuvi [Awatubi] was killed by poison at his post in 1633; that Governor Penalosa is said to have visited the pueblos in 1661-1664 and that in 1680 four Franciscans were serving the 5 towns or 3 missions. These were José Figueroa at San Bernardino de Agnatuvi, José Trujillo at San Bartolome de Jonugopavi with the visita of Moxainavi and José Espeleta with Agustin do Santa Maria at San Francisco de Oraibe and Gualpi of whom lost their lives in the great revolt [of 1680]. From that time the valiant Moquis maintained their independence of all Spanish or Christian control. It is not clear that they sent their warriors to take part in the wars of 1680-1696 in New Mexico but they probably did so and certainly afforded protection to fugitives from the other pueblos. In 1692 they had like the other nations professed their willingness to submit to Governor Vargas; but in the following years no attempt to compel their submission is recorded. In 1700 however fearing an invasion they affected penitence permitted a friar to baptize a few children and negotiated in vain with the Spaniards for a treaty that should permit each nation to retain its own religion.

Recapture of the Moqui Pueblos in 1692.-Governor Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan in 1692 began the reconquest of New Mexico. On the 12th of September he was at Santa Fe. He moved rapidly over the country and recaptured the missions. At Jemez he sent a messenger to the Moqui pueblos. The Navajo Indians passed on before Vargas and warned both the Moqui Pueblos and Pueblos to place no faith in him. Vargas was as much interested in the discovery of certain mines of cinnabar and red ocher reported to lie to the west of the Moqui pueblos as he was in the recapture of the pueblos. From Zuņi be sent a second message to the Moquis asking them to give him a friendly interview at their pueblos where he Would soon arrive and assuring them that they were pardoned for their participation in the revolt of 1680.

After Vargas left in 1692 and until 1700 the Moquis were unmolested by the Spanish. From 1701 to 1745 the church was incessant in its demands for their conversion. The following history of the period 168-1745 is from H. H. Bancroft's works volume XVII pages 363 364. It is made up of translations by officials and priests from the original documents and reports, which were in Spanish and Latin.

Meanwhile [in 1680 to 1700] the Moquis of the northeast maintained their independence of all Spanish or Christian control. The proud chieftains of the cliff towns were willing to make a treaty of peace with the king of Spain but they would not become his subjects and they would not give up their aboriginal faith. At intervals of a few years from 1700 there were visits of Franciscan friars to explore the field fur a spiritual reconquest or of military detachments with throats of war but nothing could be effected. At the first town of Aguatuvi the Spaniards generally received sonic encouragement; but Oraibe the most distant and largest of the pueblos was always closed to them. The refugee Tehnas, Tanos and Tignas of the new pueblo were even more hostile than the Moquis proper and by reason of their intrigues even Zuņi had more than once to be abandoned by the Spaniards. In 1701 Governor Cohere in a raid killed and captured a few of the Moquis. In 1700 Captain Holguin attacked and defeated the Tehua pueblo but was in turn attacked by the Moquis and driven out of the country. In 1715 several soi-disant ambassadors came to Santa Fe with offers of submission and negotiations made most favorable progress until Spanish messengers were sent and then the truth came out that all had been it hoax devised by cunning Moqui traders seeking only a safe pretext for commercial visits to New Mexico. The governor thereupon made campaign but in two battles effected nothing. From about 1719 the Franciscans understood that the Jesuits were intriguing far the Moqui field but beyond visiting Aguatuvi and obtaining some favorable assurances for the future they did nothing (except perhaps with their pens in Europe) in self defense until 1742 when the danger becoming somewhat more imminent two friars went to the far northwest and brought out 441 apostate Tiguas with whom they shortly reestablished the old pueblo of Sandia. Again in1745 three friars visited and preached to the Moquis counting 10,846 natives obtaining satisfactory indications of aversion to the Jesuits and above all reporting what had been achieved with mention of the Sierra Azul and Teguayo and the riches there to be found. Their efforts were entirely successful and the king convinced that he had been deceived, that a people from among whom two lone friars could bring out 411 converts could be neither so far away nor so hostile to the Franciscans as had been represented revoked all he had conceded to the Jesuits. With the danger of rivalry ended the newborn zeal of the padres azules and for 80 years no more attention was given to the Moquis.

From 1745 to 1774 the Moqui's were free from Spanish invasion or attempt at control, but in 1776 religious zeal again insisted upon their control. Of this period H.H. Bancroft (volume xvii pages 260-263) writes as follows:
The conquest or conversion of the Moquis was a matter still kept in view though for about .20 years no practical efforts in that direction are recorded down to 1774-1776 when the project was revived in connection with the California expeditions from Senora.

Captain Juan Bautista de Anza made an experimental or exploring trip by way of the Gila to California in 1774 and it was desired that, in connection with his second expedition the region between Gila and Moqui towns should he explored. This region had not been traversed since the time of Coronado in 1540-1543 except by Oņate whose journey was practically forgotten. To find to way to Moqui was deemed important especially as it was proposed, it possible to occupy the Gila valley and some of its branches. The Now Mexican friars were called upon for their views and Padre Escalante developed much enthusiasm on the subject. In June 1775 or possibly 1774 he spent 8 days in the Moqui towns trying in vain to reach the Rio Grande de Cosninas beyond. In a report to the governor he gave a description of the pueblos (where he found 7,491 souls. Two-thirds of them at Oraibe in 7 pueblos on 3 separate mesas) and his ideas of what should be done.

In 1776 with a party of 9 including Padre Francisco Atanasio Dominguez he attempted to reach Monterey from Santa Fe by the northern route. The explorers reached Utah Lake, and thus accomplished results that should make their names famous; but fortunately (else they would not have lived to tell the story) when on the approach of winter provisions became scarce and the natives showed no knowledge of Spaniards in the west, lots were cast and fate divided that the journey to Monterey should be postponed. Accordingly they returned southeastward forded the Colorado came to the Moqui towns and returned to Santa Fe. The Moquinos though furnishing food and shelter would not receive presents. A meeting was held to discuss submission, but while willing to he friends of the Spaniards the people proudly refused to be subjects or Christians, preferring to "go with the majority" and be gentiles as the traditions of their fathers directed them. Not only did Escalante fail to demonstrate the merits of his favorite northern route, but earlier in the same year the central one was proved to be practicable; and this so far as the Moqui question was concerned was the only result of Anna's California expedition. Padre Francisco Games leaving Anna at the Gila junction went up the Colorado to the Mojave region with a few Indian servants and after making important explorations in California started eastward for Moqui which he reached without any special difficulty in July. The Moquis however would not admit him to their houses or receive his gifts, cared not for his painting of heaven and hell and refused to kiss the image of Christ. After passing two nights in the courtyard he wrote a letter for the padre at Zuņi returned in sorrow to the Yamajabes or Mojaves and went down the Colorado finding his way to Bac in September.

Efforts Of Governor Anza To Convert The Moquis 1780.-Father Garces reported to Governor Anza his failure at the Moqui pueblos just cited and the governor at once took steps to convert them. H. H. Bancroft (volume xvii pages 265-260) gives the following details translated from the original documents of the efforts of Governor. Anza to convert the Moquis:

Back from this campaign [in 1778] Governor Anna gave his attention to the Moquis A failure of crops had reduced that people to such straits that the time was deemed most favorable for their conversion even Christianity being perhaps preferable to starvation. Many of them were said to have abandoned their towns to seek food in the mountains and among the Navajos and these fugitives were reported as disposed to submit, though the others still preferred death. It was feared that if something were not done now all the Moquis might quit pueblo life and join the hostile gentiles. Anza wrote repeatedly to Croix on the prospects, inclosing letters from the padres and advising that an effort should be made either to establish missionaries at the towns which would require some additional force or to induce the natives to migrate en masse and settle in new pueblos nearer Spanish centers. In reply the commandant general did not favor the use of force, but advised that Anna on some pretext as of an Apache campaign should visit the Moquis, give them some food and persuade them if possible to settle in New Mexico; otherwise the foundation might be laid for future conversion. The governor continued his efforts and in August 1780 a message came that 40 families were ready to migrate if he would come in person to bring them. He started in September with Padres Fernandez and Garcia visiting all the towns, 2 of which were completely abandoned. The 40 families had been forced by hunger 15 days ago to go to the Navajo country where the men had been killed and the women and children seized as slaves. Moqui affairs were indeed in as sad condition. Escalante in 1775 had found 7,491 souls; now there wore but 798; no rain had fallen in 3 years and in that time deaths had numbered 6,698. Of 30,000 sheep 300 remained and there were but 5 horses and no cattle. Only 500 fanegas of maize and beans could be expected from the coining crop. Pestilence had aided famine in the deadly work; raids from the Yutas and Navajos had never ceased. There were those who believed their misfortunes, a judgment for their treatment of Padre Games in 1776. The chief at Oraibe was offered a load of provisions to relieve immediate wants but he proudly declined the gift, as he had nothing to offer in return. Ho refused to listen to the friars and in reply to Anna's exhortations declared that as his nation was apparently doomed to annihilation, the few who remained were resolved to die in their homes and in their own faith. Yet his subjects were free to go and become Christians if they chose to do so; and finally 30 families were induced to depart with the Spaniards including the chief of Gualpi [Walpi]. I find no record as to what became of these converts but I have an idea that with them and others a little later the pueblo of Moquino in the Laguna region may have been founded.

Not only among the Moquis did pestilence rage but smallpox carried off 5,025 Indians of the mission pueblos in 1780-1781 and in consequence of this loss of population Governor Anna by consolidation reduced the number of missions or of sinodos to 20 a change which for the next decade provoked much protest on the part of the friars

After 1780 the Moquis seem to have been let alone in their faith.

The Moquis in 1799.-A translation by Buckingham Smith secretary of the American legation at Madrid, of a manuscript report by Don Jose Cortez an officer of the Spanish royal engineers, who was stationed in the northern provinces of New Spain in 1799 gives the following as to the Moquis:

1. The province or territory of the Moqui (or Moquino) Indians lies to the westward of the capital of New Mexico. The nation revolted toward the close of the seventeenth century driving out the Spaniards from the towns and from that time no formal attempt has been made to reduce them to submission by force of arms; nor does a hope exist of its being accomplished by means of kindness which on several occasions has already been unavailingly practiced. The towns in which they reside and are established are 7 in number: Oraibe Tancos, Moszasnavi, Guipaulavi, Xougopavi, Gualpi and there is also a village which has no name situated between the last town and Tanos the inhabitants of which are subordinate colonists to the people of Gualpi.

2. The Moquinos are the most Industrious of the many Indian nations that inhabit and have been discovered in that portion of America. They till the earth with great care, and apply to all their fields the manures proper to each crop. The same cereals and pulse (semillas) are raised by them that are everywhere produced by the civilized population in our provinces. They are attentive to their kitchen gardens and have all the varieties of fruit bearing trees it has been in their power to procure. The peach tree yields abundantly. The coarse clothing worn by them they make in their looms. They are a people jealous of their freedom but they do no injury to the Spaniards who travel to their towns, although they are ever careful that they soon pass out from them.

3. The towns are built with great regularity the streets are wide and the dwellings 1 or 2 stories high. In the construction of them they raise a wall about a yard and a half above the pave of the street, on a level with the top of which is the terrace and floor of the lower story, to which the owners ascend by a wooden ladder which they rest thereon and remove as often as they desire to go up or down. On the terrace upon which all the doors of the lower story open, is a ladder whereby to ascend to the upper story, which is divided into a hall and 2 or 3 rooms, and on that terrace is another ladder with which to ascend to the roof or to another story should there be one.

4. Each town is governed by a cacique and for the defense of it the inhabitants make common cause. The people are of a lighter complexion than other Indians. Their dress differs but little from that worn by the Spanish Americans of those remote provinces and the fashion of their horse trappings is the same. They use the lance and the bow and arrows.

5. The women dress in a woven tunic without sleeves and in a black white or colored shawl formed like a mantilla. The tunic is confined by a sash that is usually of many tints. They make no use of beads or earrings. The aged women wear their hair into 2 braids and the young in a knot over each ear. They are fond of dancing which is their frequent diversion; for it there is no other music than that produced by striking with 2 little sticks on a hollowed block, and from a kind of small pastoral flute. At the assemblages which are the occasions of the greatest display there is not a Moqui of either sex whose head is not ornamented with beautiful feathers.

The Moquis In 1818-1819.The Moquis appear in history again as objecting to the Navajos settling around 5 of their pueblos. On this subject H. H. Bancroft (volume XVII pages 286 287) writes as follows:

In 1818-1819 the Navajos renewed their hostilities. It was reported in Mexico in January 1819 that Governor Melgares had in December forced them to sue for peace; but it appears that they had to be defeated twice more in February and March and that the treaty was finally signed on August 21. A notable feature of this affair is the fact that the Navajos being hard pressed settled near the Moqui towns and the Moquis sent 5 of their number to ask aid from the Spaniards. This was deemed a most fortunate occurrence, opening the way to the submission of this nation after an apostasy of 139 years. It was resolved to take advantage of the opportunity, but of the practical result nothing is known since this is the only mention of this remnant of a valiant and independent people that I have been able to find in the records of the period.

The Moquis In 1834.-In Victor's River of the West page 163 it is noted that in. 1834 a trapping party of 200 men of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company went from Bill Williams fork to the Moqui towns whore several trappers plundered the gardens and shot 15 or 20 peaceful Moquis. In Spanish Mexican and American annals the Moquis are found complaining of the Navajos who were almost constantly robbing them and who would drive them away from the water now, so as to use it for their herds, but for fear of the law and soldiers. Prior to 1866
the United States authorities were ignorant both of the condition of the Moquis and the names of their pueblos

The Moquis 1846-1850.-The Hopi Pueblos in 1846 came under the control of the United States authorities by the capture of New Mexico in 1846. They were so merged in history and tradition with the New Mexican Pueblos up to 1866 that they are only heard of as Moquis at long intervals.

Governor Charles Bent appointed by General S. W. Kearny, August 1846 in a report to William Medill Commissioner of Indian Affairs dated November 10, 1846 wrote of the Moquis:

The Moquis (Moquis) are neighbors of the Navajos and live in permanent villages cultivate grain and fruits and raise all the varieties of stock. They were formerly a very numerous people the possessors of large flocks and herds, but have bean reduced in numbers and possessions by their more warlike neighbors and enemies the Navajos. The Moques (Moquis) are an intelligent and industrious people.

The Mormons pushed their settlements down toward them after 1846 and tried to convert them to Mormonism. The Moquis received the missionaries accepted their presents and then sent them home. Tuba City, a Mormon settlement is about 70 miles to the northwest of Oraibi. The Mormons and Moquis constantly visit one another and trade together. At one time the Moquis let some of their farming lands on shares to the Mormons or other white people.

In March 1860 Mr. James S. Calhoun made the following report as to the Moqui Pueblos. In this report he says "the Pueblo Indians are all alike entitled to the favorable and early consideration of the government".

Indian Agency Santa. Fe, New Mexico
March 29 1850.
Sar:
Herewith I return the section of a map of New Mexico which you enclosed to me on the 28th day of last December.

You will find marked in this (o) the various Indian pueblos located in this territory upon the section of country which the map represents. It may be well to remember that there are 2 Indian pueblos below El Paso Isletta and Socorro and Zuni an Indian pueblo 88.30 miles northwest of Laguna. Of course neither of these 3 pueblos could be marked upon the map. Beyond Zuni west perhaps 150 miles the Moqui country is reached. These Indians live in pueblos cultivate the soil to a limited extent and raise horses, mules, sheep and goats and I am informed manufacture various articles.

I an extremely anxious to visit these Indians but it would be unsafe to do so without a sufficient escort as the Apaches are upon the left and the Navajos on the right in traveling from Zuni to the Moquis.

The Pueblo Indians are all alike entitled to the favorable and early consideration of the government of the United States. My information concerning the Moqui Indians is not of a character to justify me in making suggestions in reference to an agent or agents further than to say without an absolute examination by some one deputed for that purpose information precise and reliable may not be looked for.
J. S. CALHOUN

Visit of Moquis to Santa Fe 1850.-October 6, 1850 a delegation from the 7 Moqui pueblos came to. Santa Fe to visit Mr. Calhoun and of this visit he wrote:

Santa Fe
October 6 1850

The 7 Moqui pueblos sent to me, a deputation, who presented themselves, on the 6th day of this month. Their object as announced was to ascertain the purposes and views of the government of the United States toward them. They complained bitterly of the depredations of the Navajos. The deputation consisted of the cacique of all the pueblos and a chief of the largest pueblo accompanied by 2 who were not officials. From what I could learn from the cacique, I came to the conclusion that each of the 7 pueblos was an independent republic having confederated for mutual protection.

One of the popular errors of the day is there are but 5 of these pueblos remaining; another is that 1 of the pueblos speaks a different language from the other 6. I understood the cacique to say the 7 [pueblos] spoke the same language; but the pueblo in which he resided Tanoquibi, spoke also the language of the pueblo of Santo Domingo, hence the error first mentioned. These pueblos may be all visited in 1 day. They are supposed to be located about due west front Santa Fe and from 3 to 4 days travel northwest from Zuņi.

The following was given to me as the names of their 7 pueblos: Oriva, Samoupavi, Inparavi, Mausand, Opquivi, Chemovi and Tanoquibi. I understood further they regarded as a small pueblo Zuņi as compared with Oriva. The other pueblos were very much like Zuņi and Santo Domingo. They supposed Oriva could turn out 1,000 warriors.

I desired and believed it to be important to visit these Indians and would have done so if Colonel Munroe had not in reply to my application for an escort, replied that he could not furnish me with one at that time. They left me apparently highly gratified at the reception and presents given to them.

It will be observed that the Moquis gave Mr. Calhoun the Indian names of their 7 pueblos.

The Moquis In 1852.-In 1851-1852 P. S. G. Ten Broeck assistant surgeon United States army stationed in New Mexico made several journeys among the Moqui Pueblos and Navajos. In March 1852 he visited the. Moquis of which visit he writes as follows:

Walpi
March 31 1852.

Between 11 and 19 o'clock today we arrived at the first towns of Maqui [Moqui]. All the inhabitants turned out crowding the streets and house tops to have a view of the white men. All the old men pressed forward to shake hands with us and we were most hospitably received and conducted to the governor's house, where we were at once feasted upon guavas and a leg of mutton broiled upon the coals. After the feast we smoked with them and they then said that we should move our camp in, and that they would give us room and plenty of wood for the men and sell us corn for the animals. Accordingly a Maqui [Moqui] Indian was dispatched with a note to the sergeant ordering him to break up camp and move up town. The Indian left on foot at 12:30 p m., and although it took an hour to catch the mules and pack up, the men arrived and were in their quarters by 6 p. in. The camp was about 8.5 miles from the village. He could not have been more than an hour in going there, but they were accustomed to running from their infancy and have great bottom. This evening we bought sufficient corn for the mules at $5 per faneja (2.5 bushels), paying in bayjeta or red cloth, and they are now enjoying their first hearty meal for many days. The 3 villages here [Walpi, Sichumnavi and Towa] are situated on a strong bluff about 300 feet high, and from 30 to 150 feet wide, which is approached by a trail passable for horses at only one point. This is very steep and an hour's work in throwing down the stones with which it is in many places built up could render it utterly inaccessible to horsemen. At all other points they have constructed footpaths, steps etc. by which they pass up and down. The side of the rock is not perfectly perpendicular, but after a sheer descent of 60 or 70 feet there are ledges front 5 to 8 yards wide, on which they have established their sheepfolds. The bluff is about 800 yards long and the towns are some 150 yards apart. That upon the southern part contains fully as many inhabitants as both the others, and the houses are larger and higher; horses can not reach it as the rock is much broken up between it and the second town.

The houses are built of stone laid in mud (which mast have been brought from the plain below as there is not it particle of soil upon the rock), and in the same form as those of the other pueblos. They are however by far the poorest I have seen. The stories are but a little over 6 feet high and scarcely any of the houses can boast of doors or windows. The rafters are small poles of piņon 7 feet with center pole and supporting posts running lengthwise through the building. Over these, and at right angles with smaller ones, poles covered with rushes are placed, and a coating of mud over all forms the roof. They are whitewashed inside with white clay. Hanging by strings from the rafters I saw some curious and rather horrible little Aztec images made of wood or clay, and decorated with paint and feathers, which the guide told me were "saints"; but I have seen the children playing with them in the most irreverent manner. The houses are entered by means of ladders as in the other pueblos. The bluff runs nearly north and south, inclining a very little to the northwest. When a quarter of a mile from its foot, it is impossible for a stranger to distinguish the town, as from the little wood used there is no smoke perceptible, and the houses look exactly like the piles of rocks to be seen on any of the neighboring mesas, and I did not know where the Moqui was until fairly on the top of the ridge and just entering Haruo [Towa] the first town which is situated on the north end.

There is a mountain in the plain southwest front Moqui, which is covered with perpetual snow and called by the Navajos Cierra. Natary the chief mountain".

When there is great drought in the valley the Moqui go in procession to a large spring in the mountain for water and they affirm that after doing so they always have plenty of rain.

There is no running stream near here and they obtain all their water from a small spring near the eastern base of the mountain or rather bluff. They do not irrigate nor do they plow as they have no cattle and I have not seen 10 horses or smiles about the place. The valley is most miserably poor but there are thousands of acres in it. They plant in the sand.

Sickmunari
April 1.

At Sickmunari [Sichumnavi] the middle town of the first mesa I was awakened at midnight by the Indians who were singing and dancing in the plaza for some hours doubtless in preparation for today. I have been trading today with Moquis Navajos and Payoches [Pai Utes] and going now and then to look at the dancing in the plaza just behind us, which they tell me is a religious ceremony to bring on rain.

The dance today has been a most singular one, and differs from any I have ever seen among the Pueblo Indians, the dresses of the performers being more quaint and rich. 'Mere were 20 men and as many women ranged in two files. The dresses of the men were similar to those I have described at Laguna during the Christmas holidays, except that they wear on their heads large pasteboard [wooden] towers, painted typically and curiously decorated with feathers, and each man has his face entirely covered by a visor made of small willows with the bark peeled off, and dyed a deep brown. They all carry in their hands gourds filled with small pebbles, which are rattled to keep time with the dancing. The women all have their hair put up in the manner peculiar to virgins, and immediately in the center where the hair is parted a long straight eagle feather is fixed. They are also adorned with turkey and eagle feathers, in much the same way as the malinchi of the Lagunians. But by far the most beautiful part of their dress is a talma of some 3.5 feet square, which is thrown over the shoulders fastened in front and hanging down behind, reaches halfway below the knee. This talma pure white; its materials I should suppose to be cotton or wool; its texture is very fine and has one or more wide borders of beautiful colors, exceedingly well wrought in and of curious patterns. The women also wear visors of willow sticks, which are colored a bright yellow, and arranged in parallel rows like pandean pipes. On each side of the files is placed a small boy, who dances or capers up and down the line, and is most accurately modeled after the popular representation of his satanic majesty's imps. With the exception of a very short fringed tunic, reaching just below the hip joint and a broad sash fastened around the waist, the boy is entirely naked. On his head he wears a thing like a sugar loaf painted black which passes over the whole head and rests upon his shoulders. Around the bottom of this encircling his neck is a wreath made of twigs from the spruce tree, and on the top are fixed 2 long feathers which much resemble horns, and are kept in their places by is connecting string. The whole body is painted black, relieved by white rings placed at regular intervals over the whole person. The appearance of these little imps as they gamboled along the line of dancers was most amusing. They had neither a tombe accompaniment nor a band of singers; but the dancers furnished their own music, and a most strange sound it was, resembling very much the noise on a large scale, of a swarm of bluebottle flies in an empty hogshead.

Each one was rolling out an aw, aw, aw, aw in a deep bass tone and the sound coming through a hallow visor produced the effect described. The flatten wits a most monotonous one the dancers remaining in the same place and alternately lifting their feet in time to the song and; gourds. The only change of position was an occasional "about face". When they first came in 2 old men who acted as masters of ceremonies. Went along the whole line and with a powder held between the thumb and forefinger anointed each dancer on the shoulder. After dancing a while in the mode described above the ranks were opened, and rugs and blankets being brought and spread upon the ground the virgins squatted on them while the men kept up a kind of mumming dance in front. Every third or fourth female had at this time a large hollow gourd placed before her on which rested a grooved piece of wood shaped like an old fashioned washboard; and by drawing the dry shoulder blade of it sheep rapidly across this a sound was produced similar to that of a watchman's rattle. After performing the same dance on each side of the plaza they left to return again in about 15 minutes and thus they kept it up from sunrise till dark when the dancing ceased.

As appendages to the feast they had clowns who served as messengers and waiters and also to amuse the spectators while the dancers were away. The first hatch consisted of 6 or 8 young men in breech clouts having some comical daubs of paint on their faces and persons with wigs made of black sheepskins. Some wore rams' horns on their heads and were amusing themselves by attempts at dancing singing and running races when they were attacked by a huge grizzly bear (or rather a fellow in the skin of one) which after a long pursuit and many hard fights they brought to bay and killed. They then immediately opened him and took from out his body a quantity of guavas green corn etc. which his bear ship had undoubtedly appropriated from the refreshments provided for the clowns; but no sooner had they disposed of bruin than a new trouble came upon them in the shape of 2 ugly little imps who prowling about took every opportunity to annoy them, and when by dint of great perseverance they succeeded in freeing themselves from these misshapen brats, in rushed 8 or 10 most horrible looking figures (in masks) all armed with whips which they did not for a moment hesitate to apply most liberally to any of the poor clowns who were so unlucky as to fall into their clutches. They even tied some hand and foot and laid them out in the plaza.

It seamed they were of the same race as the imps and came to avenge the treatment they had received at the bands of the clowns; for the "limbs of satan" returned almost immediately and took an active part in their capture and in superintending the flagellating operations. Such horrible masks I never saw before noses 6 inches long, mouths from ear to ear, and great goggle eyes as big as half a hen's egg, hanging by a string partly out of the socket. They came and vanished like a dream and only staying long enough to inflict a signal chastisement on the unfortunate clowns, who however soon regained their wanted spirits after their tormentors left, and for the rest of the day had the field to themselves. The simple Indians appeared highly delighted by these performances and I must avow having had many a hearty laugh at their whimsicalities.

While the dances were going on large baskets filled with guavas of different forms and. Colors, roasted ears of corn bread meat and other eatables were brought in and distributed by the virgins among the spectators. The old governor tells me this evening that it is contrary to their usages to permit the females to dance and that those whom I supposed to be young virgins were in fact young men dressed in female apparel for the occasion. This is a custom peculiar to the Moquis I think for in all the other pueblos I visited the women danced."

We seated ourselves with the governor and other principal men smoked and had our "big talk" obtaining from them as much information as possible relative to their history, customs, origin, religion, crops etc. The principal rider was present.

This government is hereditary but does not necessarily descend to the sons of the incumbent for if the people prefer any other blood relation he is chosen.

The population of the 7 villages I should estimate at 8,000 of which one-half is found in the first 3. (a) They say that of late years wars and disease have greatly decreased their numbers. They spoke of fevers and disease which I supposed to be phthisic and pertussis. They observe no particular burial rites. They believe in the existence of a Great Father who lives where the sun rises and a Great Mother who lives where the sun sets. The bust is the author of all the evils that befall them as war pestilence famine etc.; and the Great Mother is the very reverse of this and from her are derived the blessings they enjoy: fertilizing showers etc.

In the course of the "talk" the principal governor made a speech in which he said: Now we all know that it is good the Americans have come among us for our Great Father who lives where the sun rises is pacified and our Great Mother who lives where the sun sets is smiling and in token of her approbation sends fertilizing showers (it was snowing at the time) which will enrich our fields and enable us to raise the harvest whereby we subsist". They say it generally rains this time of the year. Of their origin they give the following account:

"Many many years ago their Great Mother brought from her home in the west 9 races of men, in the following forms: first the deer race; second the sand race; third the water race; fourth; the bear race; fifth the hare race; sixth the prairie wolf race; seventh the rattlesnake race; eighth the tobacco plant race; ninth the reed grass race. Having placed them on the spot where their villages now stand she transformed them into men who built the present pueblos and the distinction of races is still kept up. One told me he was of the sand race another the deer etc. They are firm believers in metempsychosis and they say that when they die they will resolve into their original forms and become bears deer etc. again. The chief governor is of the deer race. Shortly after the pueblos were built the Great Mother came in person and brought them all the domestic animals they now have which are principally sheep and goats and a few very large donkeys."

They have scarcely any horses and mules as there is no grass nearer than 6 miles from the rock and their frequent wars with the Navajos render it almost impossible to keep them. The snared fire is kept constantly burning by the old men and all I could glean from them was that some great misfortune would befall their people if they allowed it to be extinguished. They know nothing of Montezuma and have never had any Spanish or other missionaries among them. All the seeds they possess were brought from where the morning star rises. They plant in May or June and harvest in October and November. They do not plow or irrigate but put their seeds in the sand and depend upon the rains for water. They raise corn, melons, pumpkins, beans and onions also cotton of which I procured a specimen and a species of mongrel tobacco.

They have also a few peach trees and are the only Pueblo Indians who raise cotton. They have no small grain of any kind. They say they have known the Spaniards ever since they can remember. About 20 years ago a party of about 15 Americans the first they over saw came over the mountains and took the Zuni trail; 6 .years afterward another party with 4 females passed through. Their crop last year was very small and sometimes fails them entirely on account of the drought. For this reason they hoard up their corn and that sold its was 4 years old. Roasting ears hanging around the room are of the same age.

Their mode of marriage might well be introduced into the United States with the bloomer costume. Here instead of the swain asking the hand of the fair one she selects the young man who is to her fancy and then her father proposes the match to the she of the lucky youth. This proposition is never refused. The preliminaries being arranged the young num on his part furnishes 2 pairs of moccasins, 2 fine blankets, 2 mattresses and 2 of the sashes used at the feast while the maiden for her share provides an abundance of eatables when the marriage is celebrated by feasting and dancing. Polygamy is unknown among them but at any time either party, if dissatisfied can be divorced and marry with another. If there are children they are taken care of by their respective grandparents. They are a simple happy and most hospitable people. The vice of intoxication is unknown among them, as they have no kind of fermented liquors. When a stranger visits one of their houses the first act is to set food before him and nothing is done "till he has eaten."

In every village is one or more edifices (estufas) underground which one reaches by descending a ladder. They answer to our village groceries, being a place of general resort for the male population. I went into one of them and found it stifling hot, all the light and air coming through the scuttle above. In the center was a small square box, of stone, in which was a fire of guava bushes, and around this a few old men were smoking. All about the room were Indians (men) naked to the "breechclout"; some were engaged in sewing and others spinning and knitting. On a bench in the background sat a warrior, most extravagantly painted who was undoubtedly undergoing some ordeal as I was not allowed to approach him. They knit weave aril spin, as the other pueblos also make cotton fabrics.

Pipes belonging to the chief men are of peculiar shape and made of smooth polished stone. These pipes have been handed down from generation to generation and they say their pipes were found in their present form by their forefathers centuries ago in the water of a very deep ravine in a mountain to the west.

Their year is reckoned by 12 lunar months. They wear necklaces of very small seashells, ground flat (doubtless procured from California) which they say were brought to them by other Indians who lived over the western mountains, who claimed that they obtained them from 3 old men who never die. Several Navajos who were present at the conversation appeared perfectly friendly I saw to day a Navajo chief named Cavallada who has a paper from Governor Calhoun making him a chief.

The villages of the Moquis are 7 in number and more nearly correspond to the 7 cities of Cibola (spoken of by Mr. Gallatin in his letter to Lieutenant Emory, United States army, than any which have yet been discovered. They are situated in the same valley; they are upon the bluff. Oraivaz [Oraibi] called Musquin by the Mexicans is about 30 miles distant and almost due west from the bluff. There is another town at 20 miles west by south and 2 others about south-southwest and some 8 or 10 miles distant from the first 3. Of these the 2 at the southern extremity of the bluff are the largest containing probably 2,000 inhabitants. Oraivaz [Oraibi] is the second in size. The inhabitants all speak the same language except those of Harno [Tewa] the most northern town of the 3, which has a different language and some customs peculiar to itself. It is however considered one of the towns of the confederation and joins in all the feasts. It seems a very singular feet that being within 150 yards of the middle town; Hamm [Tewa] should have preserved for so long a period its own language and customs. The other Moquis say the inhabitants of this town have a great advantage over them as they perfectly understand the common language and none but the people of Harno [Tewa] understand their dialect. It is the smallest town of the 3. The dress of the men when abroad is similar to that of the other Pueblos but when at home they have a great fancy for going in "purls naturalibus" wearing nothing but the breechcloth and moccasins. If they slip out for a moment they perhaps throw a blanket over their shoulders. They dress their hair like the Lagunians. I was much amassed with one fellow who had a kind of full dress on. The coat was made of alternate pieces of red and blue cloth, with large bright buttons shoulder knots and tops of horsehair and with it battened up to the chin, and naught else on, he would strut about with as much self satisfaction as any Broadway dandy. He had obtained the coat from the Eutaws [Utes] of the Great Salt Lake who were here last fall. (The governor showed me a letter signed. by one Day an Indian agent and Brigham Young the Mormon governor which the Eutaws [Utes] had with them. This was their first visit but they are to return next fall.) The women are the prettiest squaws I have yet seen and very industrious. Their manner of dressing the hair is very pretty. While virgins, it is done up on each side of the head in two inverse rolls which bear some resemblance to the horns of the mountain sheep. After marriage they wear it in 2 large knots or braids on each side of the face. In the northern town they dress their hair differently the unmarried wearing all the hair long and in 2 large knots on each side of the face and after marriage parting it transversely from ear to ear and cutting or the front hair in a line with the eyebrows. These people make the same kind of pottery as the Zuņians and Lagunians "

We started on our return to the Navajo country at 9 a. m. and were truly an hour getting down the trail, so slippery was it from the melting snow. We have had a very fair sample of the hospitality of these kind people today. As it was known that we were to depart this morning, woman after woman came to the house where we were stopping, each bringing us a basket either of corn meal or guavas that we might not suffer for food while on the road home. The governor killed a sheep and presented it to us. When we were fairly started and passing through the towns the women stood at the tops of the ladders with little baskets of corn meal urging us to take them.

Smallpox Visitation Of 1853-1854.-The Moquis have been frequently scourged with epidemics the one accompanied by famine in 1775 was frightful. The severe modern smallpox scourge among the Moquis (which came from Zuņi) was in 1853-1854. Lieutenant Whipple refers to it in his Pacific Railroad Survey Report. He was en route from Zuņi to explore as a side trip the Colorado Chiquito and needed guides. He sent some Zuņians to the Moqui Pueblos for them. In his journal lie writes:

November 28, 1853.

José Maria, Juan Septimo and José Hacha were the guides sent to us by the caciques of Zuņi. They described the country to the Colorado Chiquito as being nearly a level plain with springs of permanent water at convenient distances. This is their hunting ground. Of the country west of that river they know nothing. Moqui Indians are however supposed to have knowledge of the region and we intend to seek among them for a guide. José and Juan are to go as bearers of dispatches to the Moqui native with the understanding that after having accomplished their in mission they will report to us upon the Colorado Chiquito.

November 29, 1853.
Tomorrow José Marie and Juan Septimo leave our trail and proceed to Moqui At our request they traced a sketch of the Moqui country and the route they propose to travel. They say that the population of the 7 towns of Moqui has been greatly diminished lately and now is about the same as that of Zuņi that is according to our previous estimate 2,000 persons. But it is it difficult matter to determine satisfactorily the population of an Indian pueblo without an examination more minute than would have been agreeable to us in Zuni during the prevalence of the smallpox. The houses are so piled upon each other that they can not he counted nor does any one seem to know how many families occupy the same dwelling. Different authors therefore vary in their estimates for this place [Moqui] from 1,000 to 6,000 persons. Mexicans say that in joining them in expeditions against the Navajos there have been known to turn out 1,000 warriors. Leroux agrees with me that this is doubtless an exaggeration.

December 5, 1853.
José Hacha took leave of us this morning to return to Zuņi. Ho had despaired of meeting those sent to Moqui but this evening they came prancing into camp. Everyone was glad to see them and their arrival created quite an excitement. Their mission had been performed but no Moqui guide could be obtained. The smallpox had swept off nearly every male adult from 3 pueblos. In one remained only the cacique and a single man from 100 warriors. They were dying by fifties per day and the living unable to bury the dead had thrown them down the steep sides of the lofty mesa upon which the pueblos are built. Their wolves and ravens had congregated in myriads to devour them. The decaying bodies had even infected the streams and the Zuņians were obliged to have recourse to melons both for food and drink. The young of the tribe had suffered less few cases among them having proved mortal Juan Septimo brought for us several excellent robes of wild cat or tiger skin such as the Moquis wear in the winter.

Condition of the Indian by State, 1890

Notes About the Book:

Source: Source: Report on Indians Taxed and Indians not Taxed in the United States, Except Alaska at the Eleventh Census: 1890, Department of the Interior, Government Printing Office, Washington DC., 1894

Online Publication: The manuscript was scanned and then ocr'd. Minimal editing has been done, and readers can and should expect some errors in the textual output. Several spellings have been used for the same tribe of Indians.

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