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While we know our northern friends may not feel it, in the South, Spring is here. So we thought we'd share a few of our gardening sites appropriate for this time of the year. Along with gardening, there's grilling, and getting ready to diet so that you can fit back into that bathing suit this summer!


 

 

 

Footnotes

1: Locke, Anti-Slavery, pp. 19, 20, 23; Works of John
Woolman, pp. 58, 73; and Moore, Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts,
p. 71.
2: Bassett, Federalist System, chap. xii. Hart,
Slavery and Abolition, pp. 153, 154.
3: Turner, The Rise of the New West, pp. 45, 46, 47, 48,
49; Hammond, Cotton Industry, chaps. i and ii; Scherer, Cotton
as a World Power, pp. 168, 175.
4: Locke, Anti-Slavery, chaps. i and ii.
5: Jay, An Inquiry, p. 30.
6: Ford edition, Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 432.

7: For the passage of this ordinance three reasons have been given: Slavery then prior to the invention of the cotton gin was considered a necessary evil in the South. The expected monopoly of the tobacco and indigo cultivation in the South would be promoted by excluding Negroes from the Northwest Territory and thus preventing its cultivation there. Dr. Cutler's influence aided by Mr. Grayson of Virginia was of much assistance. The philanthropic idea was not so prominent as men have thought. Dunn, Indiana, p. 212.
8: Ibid., p. 254.
9: Code Noir.
10: Speaking of these settlements in 1750, M. Viner, a Jesuit Missionary to the Indians, said: "We have here Whites, Negroes, and Indians, to say nothing of cross breeds. There are five French villages and three villages of the natives within a space of twenty-one leagues. In the five French villages there are perhaps eleven hundred whites, three hundred blacks, and some sixty red slaves or savages. Unlike the condition of the slaves in Lower Louisiana where the rigid enforcement of the Slave Code made their lives almost intolerable, the slaves of the Northwest Territory were for many reasons much more fortunate. In the first place, subject to the control of a mayor commandant appointed by the Governor of New Orleans, the early dwellers in this territory managed their plantations about as they pleased. Moreover, as there were few planters who owned as many as three or four Negroes, slavery in the Northwest Territory did not get far beyond the patriarchal stage. Slaves were usually well fed. The relations between master and slave were friendly. The bondsmen were allowed special privileges on Sundays and holidays and their children were taught the catechism according to the ordinance of Louis XIV in 1724, which provided that all masters should educate their slaves in the Apostolic Catholic religion and have them baptized. Male slaves were worked side by side in the fields with their masters and the female slaves in neat attire went with their mistresses to matins and vespers. Slaves freely mingled in practically all festive enjoyments. See Jesuit Relations, LXIX, p. 144; Hutchins, An Historical Narrative, 1784; and Code Noir.
11: Mention was thereafter made of slaves as in the case of Captain Philip Pittman who in 1770 wrote of one Mr. Beauvais, "who owned 240 orpens of cultivated land and eighty slaves; and such a case as that of a Captain of a militia at St. Philips, possessing twenty blacks; and the case of Mr. Bales, a very rich man of St. Genevieve, Illinois, owning a hundred Negroes, beside having white people constantly employed." See Captain Pittman's The Present State of the European Settlements in the Mississippi, 1770.
12: Dunn, Indiana, chap. vi.
13: Hinsdale, Old Northwest, p. 350.
14: Tyrannical Libertymen, pp. 10, 11; Locke, Anti-Slavery, pp. 31, 32; Brannagan, Serious Remonstrance, p. 18.
15: Washington edition of Jefferson's Writings, chap. vi, p. 456, and chap. viii, p. 380.
16: Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 244; IX, p. 303; X, pp. 76, 290.
17: Brannagan, Serious Remonstrances, p. 18.
18: Library edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, pp. 295, 296.
19: Adams, Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery, pp. 129, 130.
20: The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 31, 1746.
21: The Maryland Gazette, March 20, 1755.
22: Washington's Writings, II, p. 134.
23: Brissot de Warville, New Travels, II, pp. 33-34.
24: Harris, Slavery in Illinois, chaps. iii, iv, and v; Dunn, Indiana, pp. 218-260; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, pp. 351-358.
25: This code provided that all male Negroes under fifteen, years of age either owned or acquired must remain in servitude until they reached the age of thirty-five and female slaves until thirty-two. The male children of such persons held to service could be bound out for thirty years and the female children for twenty-eight. Slaves brought into the territory had to comply with contracts for terms of service when their master registered them within thirty days from the time he brought them into the territory. Indentured black servants were not exactly sold, but the law permitted the transfer from one owner to another when the slave acquiesced in the transfer before a notary, but it was often done without regard to the slave. They were even bequeathed and sold as personal property at auction. Notices for sale were frequent. There were rewards for runaway slaves. Negroes whose terms had almost expired were kidnapped and sold to New Orleans. The legislature imposed a penalty for such, but it was not generally enforced. They were taxable property valued according to the length of service. Negroes served as laborers on farms, house servants, and in salt mines, the latter being an excuse for holding them as slaves. Persons of color could purchase servants of their own race. The law provided that the Justice of the County could on complaint from the master order that a lazy servant be whipped. In this frontier section, therefore, where men often took the law in their own hands, slaves were often punished and abused just as they were in the Southern States. The law dealing with fugitives was somewhat harsh. When apprehended, fugitives had to serve two days extra for each day they lost from their master's service. The harboring of a runaway slave was punishable by a fine of one day for each the slave might be concealed. Consistently too with the provision of the laws in most slave States, slaves could retain all goods or money lawfully acquired during their servitude provided their master gave his consent. Upon the demonstration of proof to the county court that they had served their term they could obtain from that tribunal certificates of freedom. See The Laws of Indiana.
26: Masters had to provide adequate food, and clothing and good lodging for the slave, but the penalty for failing to comply with this law was not clear and even if so, it happened that many masters never observed it. There was also an effort to prevent cruelty to slaves, but it was difficult to establish the guilt of masters when the slave could not bear witness against his owner and it was not likely that the neighbor equally guilty or indifferent to the complaints of the blacks would take their petitions to court.

Under this system a large number of slaves were brought into the Territory especially after 1807. There were 135 in 1800. This increase came from Kentucky and Tennessee. As those brought were largely boys and girls with a long period of service, this form of slavery was assured for some years. The children of these blacks were often registered for thirty-five instead of thirty years of service on the ground that they were not born in Illinois. No one thought of persecuting a master for holding servants unlawfully and Negroes themselves could be easily deceived. Very few settlers brought their slaves there to free them. There were only 749 in 1820. If one considers the proportion of this to the number brought there for manumission this seems hardly true. It is better to say that during these first two decades of the nineteenth century some settlers came for both purposes, some to hold slaves, some, as Edward Coles, to free them. It was not only practiced in the southern part along the Mississippi and Ohio but as far north in Illinois as Sangamon County, were found servants known as "yellow boys" and "colored girls." See the Laws of Illinois.

A Century of Negro Migration, March 31, 1918

A Century of Negro Migration

 


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